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Meet the McDonaghs Following on from the success of What Kelly Did Next, this RTÉ Player will have exclusive additional online content. . With nearly 60% of unders watching TV programmes on RTÉ Player, it's clear. Hangmen (Faber Drama): ommag.info: Martin McDonagh: Books. Having watched" The pillowman " I am now your greatest fan! Your plays are,dark and. Meet the newest member of Blueshirts faithful. By Tuesday, he shared online, “ A new addition to the McDonagh family came early this.

Check the reading, spelling and comprehension scores; are any of them below the second percentile? These words must be in the report, in addition to the appropriate scores if resource teaching is to be provided?

They are all there. Good it names strategies and commercial programmes such as Alpha to Omega Hornsby et al. I will definitely teach these programmes. Now I look at the IQ scores. The pupil has a significant difference of 23 points higher in verbal than in performance IQ scores.

This discrepancy is very useful. It tells me that this pupil will learn better when new information is presented orally rather than in written form only. I will also point out that this difference will be very helpful for him in career choices later in his life. His lower scores in performance IQ explain why he is having so many difficulties in school where most of the work is written. I have omitted to say what I tell the pupil about whom the report was written and who has spent time doing tests for the psychologist.

This is because I did not tell the pupil anything about the results of the tests.

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In my experience educational psychologists also do not inform primary school pupils of the results of their assessments on them. In the previous chapter, I have spoken about how I value each individual, yet in practice I have denied this, as demonstrated by my responses to the report. This is an example of how I was denying my values in my practice Whitehead In this chapter, I set out my educational and social values and how I saw these values systematically denied in my practice as a resource teacher.

These ideas about the contradictions between societal values and my own educational values were new understandings for me and, in making them explicit, I came to recognise that my professional values were rooted in ideas to do with justice and forms of knowledge.

Discrepancies between social values in the teaching of pupils with specific learning disability dyslexia and the practical experiences of my workplace correspond to the second of the four waves of influence on my research. In Chapter One I have described this second wave as the pervasive contradiction of living every day in the society in which I live. I analyse the discrepancy and the clash of values in my practice under three headings.

Consequently, policy in my context is influenced both by the discourses of disability and by the persistent practice of labelling pupils as having disabilities in order to access additional support. As well as the dissonance that I have described above, between my values and what was happening in my work, I was further frustrated by the labelling of certain children as disabled in order to access extra teaching provision within the primary school system.

The aim of my research was to get to a point where the pupils and I could celebrate our humanity together, and still receive support, as I now explain. When this happens, the second criterion by which the Department of Education and Science categorises pupils as having a specific learning disability seems to be forgotten.

This criterion is that the pupils have average intelligence. The practice of focusing on the disabilities rather than the abilities of pupils is a practical example of the discriminating discourses of labelling that permeate the practical contexts of my research. These curricula primarily aim to: Enable the child to live a full life as a child and to realise his or her potential as a unique individual. National Council for Curriculum and Assessmentp.

However, there is slippage between the rhetoric of the curriculum and the practice of its rhetoric. I address this slippage in my research by working towards practices that promote access and widening participation by individuals in their own learning.

My actions are grounded in my own value around the unique potential of the individual, which is in keeping with the kinds of educational values that inform the curriculum aims that I have cited above.

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Having achieved such changes in practice I then hope to show how I can potentially influence others to do the same. The 22 change in my thinking began as I tried to articulate and make sense of how current discourses of disability and labelling relate to my practice. Here is an excerpt from a letter to my research supervisor in which I write about my confusion around these issues.

I took out the box of knowledge about learning disability. I shovelled as much of that knowledge into me as I could from that box. And there it stayed — inside me. I tried to implement commercial programmes to alleviate SLD.

So I changed my job and became a learning support teacher where I would teach 4 children at a time. I rummaged again in the box of knowledge on SLD. The individual children I met in my various teaching roles astounded me.

They were often so articulate, very imaginative, artistic, industrious, and had long memories. This was in contrast to the main features of SLD as seen by class teachers and psychologists who cite poor language, difficulty visualising, laziness, untidy writing and poor memory skills especially for spellings as features.

By comparing this early data with the ideas I am expressing in this thesis, it is clear that my thinking has changed considerably. I also altered my understanding of knowledge as only objective, reifiable and transferable to also valuing the knowledge-creating potential of the individuals. These changes influenced the form of theory I developed in my research, as I discuss in Part Three.

The correspondence above also signals the beginning of my search to understand models of disability as they relate to specific learning disability in my context. Ware names these models as a medical 23 model, an educational model and a psycho-social model; all of which hold relevance for my context. In the following paragraphs I offer an analysis of these models. The medical model works from a perspective of diagnose, prescribe and cure. This implies that the person being cured has something wrong with them.

In this way the disability is placed within the person. So to a large extent the interactive educational and environmental influences on an individual are ignored. Research into the success of these prescriptive approaches is not conclusive Doyle I would consider that this is because the linkages between behaviour, diet, and visual and motor skills are complex and become problematic within traditional quantitative forms of research, where evidence is limited as far as possible to one variable at a time.

The commercial, intensive remediation programmes recommended in psychological reports, such as the one I described at the beginning of this chapter, represent a medical model of disability.

I describe these programmes further in Appendix 4. They involve a model of teaching that treats the child as an object rather than as a unique individual. I would also argue that this focus on the child as an object of study rather than as a human being is at odds with the aims of the primary curriculum in Ireland, as set out above.

During my teaching career I have become increasingly aware of the humanity of my pupils. I have noticed their capabilities as people rather than focusing only on the teaching of reading and writing. I have personally come across those who are labelled as having specific learning disability dyslexia yet who are, in fact, able learners in many fields such as physics, mathematics, sport, and art.

My experiences are supported by Davis who writes that successful adults with dyslexia develop strategies for learning and concludes that they have a gift for being able to 24 think in a three-dimensional fashion, unlike the rest of the population who, he claims, usually think in a two dimensional way.

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The adults he writes about were handicapped by the structure of the print-rich environment of schools. He theorises that two-dimensional printed words are easy for most people to grasp, but those with dyslexia who are three-dimensional thinkers see print three-dimensionally.

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By this he means that each letter can appear as a standing object, which can be viewed from above, below, front, back, the left or the right. This can make reading difficult for those with dyslexia and provides an explanation for letter reversals, which are frequent for those with dyslexia. In saying this, I am stating that school is probably having a disabling effect on pupils because my observations concerning pupils with dyslexia, and also the findings of Davissuggest that competent and successful adults with dyslexia were neither competent nor successful while they were in school.

This approach exemplifies an educational model of disability, as Ware explains it. Within this model pupils can become potentially disabled by the interaction between themselves and the environment. An educational model of disability places structures, curricula or institutions in a position of power over pupils in ways that can negate their abilities and have a disabling effect on those individuals while in school.

I believe that education can also become a form of social control to eliminate troublesome and non-conformist elements see Bernstein ; Bourdieu and Passeron Let me explain further. In my work situation, when pupils are withdrawn from their mainstream classes for the provision of individual resource tuition, this action is undertaken partly because they do not conform to the stereotype that children of average intelligence progress at age-appropriate levels in reading, comprehension and spellings.

The common practice of the withdrawal of pupils for resource teaching is in keeping with provision under an educational model of disability in that those who do not succeed in learning in normative ways, are eliminated from mainstream classes for part of each day. It can be argued that this 25 practice is an institutional structure to facilitate teachers rather than pupils. This model focuses on specific groups with disability, and, within this model, special education again appears to become a form of social control, which is maintained through the interests of education professionals, including psychologists, and educational and medical administrators.

For example, the definition of specific learning disability dyslexia in popular use is grounded in the criteria currently used by the Department of Education and Science. This definition is accepted probably because it is convenient for the appointment of staff whose task it is to deliver extra tuition. A further example of this model of disability is that no child in mainstream schools in Ireland received resource teaching for specific learning disability dyslexia prior to It could be presumed from this fact that specific learning disability dyslexia was not recognised prior to that date.

In when the Department of Education and Science established an automatic response granting resource teaching for specific learning disability Ireland, Department of Education and Science athere was a dramatic increase in the number of pupils labelled as having specific learning disability Ireland, Department of Education and Science b, p. My personal educational beliefs cannot be 26 dismissed as individual opinions because they are commensurate with national decisions in Ireland such as in the Primary Curriculum Ireland, Department of Education and Science b, p.

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In particular I want to highlight how those children perceive themselves and how others see them. These changes in emphasis in the wording of labels over time reflect societal changes. To address these issues, I chose to focus on specific learning disability as a learning difference. In doing so my research aims to reflect the views of Dillon: Labels in Special Education were intended to be usefully descriptive rather than dangerously prescriptive.

Our challenge is to create learning environments, which celebrate a range of talents and abilities and thereby to ensure that we do not conflate the label with the person. The work of Bourdieu is also instructive here, as he explains how language itself can become a form of symbolic power Bourdieu I have come across instances where labelling is used as a power strategy, and this use of power raises issues of equality and justice, as I explain in the following brief example.

I understand my loss of self-confidence on that occasion as a reaction to a form of violence. In his analysis of institutional violence, Block cited in Hudak and Kilnp. Labelling can become part of our identity formation. So in addition to the marginalisation attributable both to the discourses of disability and to the practice of labelling pupils with specific learning disability dyslexiaI became concerned during the course of my research about the appropriateness of forms of teaching for those pupils.

I have also become concerned that pedagogy is often perceived as knowledge transmission and how this understanding of knowledge informs how learning is evaluated.

These concerns have given rise to a long list of personal questions: Why am I concerned about particular issues in my practice?

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The decision however to set his first two features in Ireland was, he says, more rational than driven by any over-riding fascination with Ireland. Martin can get the script to Brendan [Gleeson]. It was the same thing with Calvary because I knew a lot of those locations in Sligo. Sergeant Gerry Boyle in The Guard is a maverick cop at odds with the rest of the force; Father James is a good priest amid a wicked bunch of parishioners, while Ned Kelly was the atypical outsider.

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I never felt like I wanted to be wholly accepted by either side of community. It never really used to bother me. Some guy, as a joke, called me a Plastic Paddy, which was the first time that I ever heard the phrase.

I would hope that the film would be received well anywhere. Next, though, he hopes to shoot a film about two corrupt cops in Texas, entitled War on Everyone. I tell McDonagh that in spending almost two decades pursuing a career in film, and with creatively fulfilling success eluding him until he turned 43, he must have had considerable drive and self-belief to persevere?

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Meet the McDonaghs Following on from the success of What Kelly Did Next, this three-part series follows Kelly McDonagh and her family and provides a window into the world of a family who are proud to be traveller and an insight into their unique culture and attitudes to love, religion, morality, education and family.

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This season our grooms are getting a little outrageous and creating incredible days their brides will never forget, and not always in a good way!

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