Eritrea and us relationship with syria

Eritrea–United States relations - Wikipedia

eritrea and us relationship with syria

A lasting peace between Ethiopia and Eritrea would be an enormous Fourth, if the United States and Eritrea had a new relationship, Eritrea. Russia and Eritrea expand their bilateral relationship with a planned US and France should hurry to lift UN sanctions against Eritrea or they. Thus, just as Syria would terminate support for Hezbollah once Israel returns the Golan . Asmara hoped that U.S.-Eritrean relations would improve once Barack.

Paradoxically, Eritrea's radical nationalism has produced a "pragmatic, self-serving and equally hypocritical" foreign policy, free of ideological constraints; Asmara would ally with any government or non-state actor, if only temporarily, in pursuit of Eritrean national interests. Iran has also demonstrated a certain political pragmatism in the conduct of foreign policy by not applying a strict ideological litmus test, as demonstrated by its three-decade alliance with Syria's secular regime.

The pragmatic strategic alliance between Eritrea and Iran stems from three developments: Border adjustments, except by mutual political agreement, pose a particularly sensitive issue for Africa, owing to most states' highly fragmented demographic composition.

  • Eritrea and Somalia agree to restore diplomatic relations
  • Eritrea–United States relations
  • Eye of the Storm: Ethiopia Amid Middle Eastern Conflict

Addis Ababa finds itself at the center of the political storm in the Horn of Africa, owing to Ethiopia's expansionistic imperialist past. During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Ethiopia's ruling Christian-Amharic elite conquered areas inhabited by Muslims and ethnic groups such as the Oromos and Somalis.

Then a December UN-sponsored federation plan allowed Ethiopia to acquire control over the former Italian colony of Eritrea. Thus, despite the political cover provided by the OAU Charter, Addis Ababa was forced to confront the internal "nationalities" question resulting from its own past as an African colonial power. The Somali nationalities question in Ethiopia revolves around a large tract of territory located in southeastern Ethiopia the Ogaden that is inhabited by ethnic Somalis.

When the Republic of Somalia was formed in July with the merger of British Somaliland and Italian Somali-land, Ethiopia sought to isolate Somalia diplomatically and militarily. Somalia's national flag — a white five-pointed star on a blue field that symbolically represents each of the five areas in the Horn of Africa where ethnic Somalis live — serves as a constant reminder of Mogadishu's irredentist "greater Somaliland" quest in the Horn that threatens not only Ethiopia, but Kenya and Djibouti as well.

Consequently, following independence, Mogadishu's pursuit of reunification of the Somali-inhabited areas of the Horn destabilized the region and also transformed the Ethiopia-Somalia conflict into a zero-sum game in which foreign powers were forced to choose sides.

eritrea and us relationship with syria

Perhaps the most revealing example of the zero-sum nature of the Ethiopia-Somalia conflict occurred during the Ogaden War. In the spring ofhowever, Addis Ababa realigned with Moscow and terminated Ethiopia's security relationship with the United States already under suspension by Washington. Then, in the summer ofSomalia invaded the Ogaden, forcing Moscow to choose sides between two of its arms clients. As an indicator of the pro-Ethiopia tilt underlying past, present and future U.

Despite the pleas of U. The United States only agreed to sign, with reservations, a "defensive" arms-for-access agreement with Mogadishu in August in response to the dramatic events of — the overthrow of the shah, the onset of the Iranian hostage crisis and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan.

By the end of the s, the Ethiopia-Somalia conflict had effectively ended by default. Somalia was consumed by civil war, and Siad Barre's besieged Somali regime was forced to reach an agreement with Addis Ababa to cease their proxy war of supporting anti-government insurgents. The modus vivendi between Addis Ababa and Mogadishu became a moot point when Siad Barre was overthrown in January and Somalia disintegrated politically along clan and sub-clan lines.

Following the failure of the U. These efforts foundered on Somali clan politics and the rampant "warlordism" in Mogadishu. Continuing political chaos in Somalia and the absence of a unified central government offered al-Qaeda and other Islamic extremists fleeing Afghanistan after the defeat of the Taliban in December a potential safe haven to plan and recruit for future operations. Unifying Somalia under a strong central government, however, might revitalize Mogadishu's pan-Somali irredentist agenda in the Horn.

In Decemberwith Washington's backing to maintain access to Kagnew Station, a strategic communications facility located outside of Asmara, Eritreathe United Nations approved a year federation plan between Ethiopia and Eritrea.

By the autumn ofrealizing that Addis Ababa planned to deny independence and annex their country, the Eritreans launched what would become a year war of national liberation. By the mids, the Eritrean war had become internationalized — a southerly extension of the Arab-Israeli conflict as Israel supported Ethiopia to prevent the Red Sea from becoming an "Arab lake" and various Arab countries supported the Eritreans, assuming that an independent Eritrea would adopt a pro-Arab foreign policy.

After inflicting numerous defeats on the Ethiopian army, in Maythe Soviet-backed regime since of Mengistu Haile Mariam collapsed, paving the way for Eritrea to declare independence in May Eritrea's foreign-policy pragmatism quickly surfaced, to the dismay of some Arab supporters of the rebellion. Rather than adopting an anti-Israel foreign policy and joining the Arab League, Asmara forged close ties with the United States and Israel as well as Ethiopia, though Asmara would eventually attain observer status in the Arab League.

For its own reasons, inAsmara broke off diplomatic relations with Khartoum and engaged in a proxy war with Sudan by supporting Sudanese opposition forces, owing to Khartoum's support for the Eritrean Islamic Jihad Movement EIJM. In light of Iran's backing of Sudan and Israel's support for Eritrea, Asmara and Teheran refrained from establishing formal diplomatic relations. In Maythe post-Cold War tranquility between Eritrea and Ethiopia ended in a bloody, two-year war Asmara initiated it, seeking to assert control over the village of Badme, which had remained under Ethiopian control following Eritrea's independence in Both parties agreed to abide by a "final and binding" decision to be issued by the Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission EEBC delineating their mile border.

Babme as well as other disputed border areas belonged to Eritrea. InEthiopia rejected the EEBC decision as "inconsistent with international law" and demanded that new negotiations be held to minimize the economic and physical disruption along the border. Eritrea essentially created a linkage between these two conflicts in the Horn that in the past had been treated as separate issues.

Militarily, Eritrea cannot defeat Ethiopia. Thus, just as Syria would terminate support for Hezbollah once Israel returns the Golan, so the argument goes, Eritrea would stop playing a spoiler role in Somalia once Ethiopia returns occupied Eritrean lands. Bush presented the international community with a stark choice: Following the defeat of the Taliban regime and the scattering of al-Qaeda forces from Afghanistan, U.

In Mayit moved its headquarters to Camp Lemonier in Djibouti. The previous Septembera month before the establishment of the CJTF-HOA, the Bush White House released a National Security Strategy paper that essentially justified Washington's right to wage "preventive war," unilaterally, if necessary, to attack terrorists and their infrastructure and even overthrow regimes perceived as threatening U.

The Somali warlords who had terrorized Mogadishu were under attack from a coalition of 11 autonomous Islamic courts, the Council of Islamic Courts CICwhich was formed in By the end ofthe CIC had emerged as the "third force" in Somali politics and pushed the warlords out of the capital. The CIC started restoring law and order, opening schools and providing food, thereby winning Somali hearts and minds and emerging as the most popular political force in the country.

Rather than throwing U. With the warlords agreeing to cooperate with the U. Skirmishes between Kurdish Peshmerga and Iraqi units have already occurred around the city of Kirkuk. This gives them an opportunity to meddle in Lebanon itself, but also in Syria and Palestine given the many refugees and transnational actors like Hezbollah.

Is a Better Relationship with Eritrea Possible?

Meanwhile, more than twenty years after the Oslo Accords, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict continues due to Israeli intransigence and Palestinian division. In a volatile region, its injustices and discrimination serve as powerful beacons for violence and radicalisation. Closest to Ethiopia, the war in Yemen shows no signs of abating. There are indications that Saudi Arabia wants to pull out, but this will be hard given the chaos, factionalism and the humanitarian catastrophe intervention has helped to create.

What connects these developments? One critical link is the regional rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran.

Eritrea and Somalia agree to restore diplomatic relations | Eritrea News | Al Jazeera

Worryingly, it is about to get worse. If this happens, Iran will be free to continue developing its nuclear capacity — but this time without becoming a global pariah, as the rest of the world begs to differ with US policy on this matter.

eritrea and us relationship with syria

Another vital link is the reduction of the US footprint in the Middle East and its singular focus on Sunni extremism. This opens space for regional powers like Turkey, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Iran to compete more forcefully. Besides, the selectivity of US military intervention sets the scene for further conflict as it leaves many causes unaddressed, including poor governance, sectarian relations and historical grievances.

Ethiopia has its own immediate neighbourhood to worry about, but it would be a mistake to think that developments in the Middle East will not affect it. Eritrea has had tense relations with the West. In the early s, the Clinton administration provided financial aid and military assistance to the country.

Less than a decade later, the United States ended those relations and suspended the sale of weapons to Eritrea when war broke out in The Bush administration had serious concerns in the mids that Eritrea was providing sanctuary to al-Shabab terrorists, which led to the imposition of an arms embargo in The Obama administration signed an executive order in with a series of financial sanctions against Eritrea for its failure to address human trafficking.

I asked senior leaders in Eritrea if they see al-Shabab as a terrorist group, and all of them agreed that it is. It is important to note that Eritrea has been deemed al-Shabab-free for more than six years, according to outside monitors known as the Somalia Eritrea Monitoring Group. Given that this is the case, this would be a moment to revisit the sanctions on Eritrea and consider removing them.

Even if Eritrea has rid itself of its ties to the worst terrorist groups, it remains true that Eritrea has a persistently bad record as a human rights violator. It has no legislature, no independent civil society organizations or media outlets, and no independent judiciary. The government restricts religious freedoms, banning all but four groups. Its worst relations are with Ethiopia, which it has fought two wars against in the last 50 years.

The latest Eritrea-Ethiopia war was fought over lingering border disputes and lasted from tocontinuing to cause conflict between the two countries to this day. This war was notorious for being one of the deadliest wars in Africa, killing some 90, people.

eritrea and us relationship with syria

At the end of hostilities, a peace agreement was put together in Algeria. The border dispute was taken to border expertsand the countries agreed to accept the findings of those experts.

In other words, Eritrea largely won the diplomatic and political war, but Ethiopia continues to hold the disputed territory, including the small village of Badme.