Indo-Russian relations refer to the bilateral relations between India and Russia. During the Cold War, India and the Soviet Union (USSR) had a strong strategic. India and Russia signed nine pacts at the 19th Annual Bilateral Summit between the two countries in New Delhi. Noteworthy among the pacts. The strength of India-Russia strategic relations will be enhanced by supporting the work of talented individuals from both countries in all.
Assertion of autonomy The question that dominated the meet was whether or not the deal for the Russian air defence missile system, the S, would go through. The sanctioned entity would be cut off from all business in the U. Also Read Reinventing old links Just before Mr. Modi left for his informal meeting with Mr.
India, Russia focus on innovative elements in strategic partnership - The Economic Times
Putin in Sochi in May this year, a U. The same message was conveyed in India by a visiting Congressional delegation in end-May. Shortly thereafter, two weeks before Mr. Putin arrived in India, the U. State Department announced sanctions on a Chinese company that had imported the S over eight months earlier, asserting that it was a signal to others engaged with the Russian defence sector.
The contract for the S was signed at the Delhi summit in a low-key manner. Neither leader mentioned it in his press statement and it was not signed in their presence. The one sentence announcement was in paragraph 45 of a rambling paragraph Joint Statement. Mr Modi did not mention defence cooperation in his press statement, though it has been the centrepiece of India-Russia relations over decades.
There was no mention also of other defence projects under discussion; their consideration may have been deferred to the meeting of the India-Russian Inter-Governmental Commission on Military-Technical Cooperation, in December.
Though understated, it was a clear assertion of autonomy of Indian decision-making on Russia. Other signals conveyed the same message. They displayed the warm chemistry that was evident in their Sochi meeting. Such utterances would normally be considered usual summit hyperbole, but spoken in this context of external scrutiny, they are significant. These issues would certainly have figured in the various meetings.
In the public domain, we have only Mr. On Pakistan, one might note the nuance that the Joint Statement mentions cross-border terrorism, which some earlier Joint Statements did not. India is not on his itinerary. First, they have both transcended the level of mere regional powers, albeit neither is a superpower not anymore in the case of Russia, and not yet in the case of India.
The sources of their strength are different: India has a dynamic economy and favorable demographics, whereas Russia has a superior nuclear arsenal and vast natural resources. Nevertheless, both countries have a similar potential for regional dominance, though neither quite has the resources to be a top-tier global actor.
The second obvious similarity is that in their respective geopolitical neighborhoods, which India and Russia regard as zones of their vital interests, both countries are facing energetic opposition from an external superpower that seeks to create a cordon sanitaire around our countries, respectively.
In the case of Russia the external superpower is the United States, which continues to meddle in the former Soviet republics. In the case of India the external superpower is China, which is trying to surround India with a ring of naval bases. The similarity between US and Chinese policies becomes even more obvious if one takes into account that both are making use of states that are ethnically and culturally part of Russia and India, but seek to build their identity opposing Russia and India in every possible way.
I am talking, of course, about Ukraine and Pakistan, respectively. These two artificial constructs are trying to build their historical legitimacy purely on the basis of Russophobia and Indophobia. Pakistan is to India what Ukraine is to Russia. And, conversely, Ukraine is to Russia what Pakistan is to India. Both of those failed states are economically bankrupt, and both would have already ceased to exist, were it not for the military-political and economic assistance they receive from extra-regional powers.
The third similarity is that both the Indian and Russian military-political situation can be described as "strategic solitude". Neither country is a member of a military bloc and neither aspires for such membership.
Strictly speaking, Russia is the leading member of the Collective Security Treaty Organization - but the military value of most of its formal CSTO allies is negligible. As for the two CSTO members that are not military midgets - Belarus and Kazakhstan - their loyalty as allies is questionable at best.
Both India and Russia advocate a new poly-centric international system. They both oppose the idea of a world dominated by a single superpower.
India–Russia relations - Wikipedia
At the same time, there has been a clear trend in recent years whereby India and Russia are being attracted by the pull of two opposite centers of gravity in the nascent bi-polar world. America's policy of trying to isolate Russia and thwarting Russian attempts to remedy the geopolitical consequences of the national catastrophe that befell the country in is already resulting in a fairly unnatural state of affairs: Russia is turning into a Chinese satellite.
It may appear to some that these two trends, if continued, should eventually lead to India and Russia becoming members of two rival alliances - which would obviously be bad for their defense technology relationship. In actuality, however, the formation of a bi-polar Sino-American world should be a major incentive for our two countries to forge a closer relationship.
In truth, it does not even matter whether America and China treat each other as rivals or partners in that bi-polar world. If Washington and Beijing prefer to work together, the case for a closer Indian-Russian relationship becomes even more clear-cut.
India, Russia focus on innovative elements in strategic partnership
India and Russia are too big and too powerful to play second fiddle to any global superpower. In view of their history, potential, and ambitions, both aspire for the role of dominant regional actors at the very least. But if we are to be able to compete head-to-head with the superpowers, our two countries should become force multipliers to each other. Right now, we are force multipliers for the United States and China, respectively - and this must change.
The military-political agenda for the future In practical terms, defense technology cooperation between India and Russia and their informal military-political alliance must pursue two related goals.